[Pnews] Palestinian prisoners: A battleground for international solidarity
Prisoner News
ppnews at freedomarchives.org
Mon Nov 5 10:40:03 EST 2018
https://samidoun.net/2018/11/palestinian-prisoners-a-battleground-for-international-solidarity-by-charlotte-kates/
Palestinian prisoners: A battleground for international solidarity by
Charlotte Kates
November 3, 2018samidoun
13-16 minutes
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/The following article, by Charlotte Kates, the international
coordinator of Samidoun, initially appeared in Arabic in Al-Adab
magazine, published on November 2, 2018. The Arabic text can be read
online at the Al-Adab website
<http://al-adab.com/article/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D8%B3%D8%B1%D9%89-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%81%D9%84%D8%B3%D8%B7%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D9%88%D9%86-%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%AF%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%8C-%D9%84%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B6%D8%A7%D9%85%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%88%D9%84%D9%8A%D9%91>.
The article appeared in an issue with a special focus on Palestinian
prisoners, including testimonies from current and former political
prisoners and their families./
Ghassan Kanafani’s quote that “Palestine today is not a cause for
Palestinians only; it is the cause of every revolutionary, the cause of
the oppressed and exploited masses in our era”[1] <#_ftn1> has not
dulled in its accuracy over time. Perhaps it resonates more clearly than
ever before, when U.S. imperialism and its European partners appear as
an ongoing threat to Palestinian existence and self-determination as
well as to any form of Arab unity or even truly independent policy.
There are many campaigns that capture the attention of the international
solidarity movement, all of them worthwhile and challenging some aspect
of the Zionist project in occupied Palestine – from the campaign to
break the siege on Gaza, to building boycott campaigns against Israeli
corporations, state entities or academic and cultural institutions, to
working with Palestinian communities in countries of exile to fight back
against racism and repression. The struggle to defend Palestinian
political prisoners and seek their freedom is central to building
solidarity with the Palestinian people, their national liberation
movement and their revolution.
The Zionist movement and state certainly recognize the centrality of
this issue; it should be noted that Gilad Erdan, the minister who
carries the file of “public security,” including the Israel Prison
Service, is also responsible for the “anti-boycott” initiatives of the
Israeli state in his role as the Minister of Strategic Affairs[2]
<#_ftn2>. The Zionist campaigns against the Palestinian prisoners – both
the propaganda campaigns in international media and the campaigns of
repression and misery that aim to break the spirit of the prisoners –
recognize just how central these men and women, children and elders are
in the struggle for Palestinian liberation.
Palestinian prisoners, both to the occupier and to the occupied, to
those who would build solidarity and those who would criminalize,
represent the implacable will of Palestinians to resist occupation and
oppression, by all means necessary. The very act of posting on social
media about Palestinian armed resistance has been labeled incitement;
hundreds of Palestinians have been arrested and jailed for their
statements on social media in support of Palestinian resistance[3]
<#_ftn3>. And any involvement at all with the organized liberation
movement – from the most common charge of membership in a prohibited
organization to those who directly take up armed struggle – can be met
by years and decades behind Israeli bars.
Defending the Palestinian prisoners and campaigning for their freedom is
an inseparable aspect of defending the Palestinian resistance and the
right to armed struggle. Even in the cases of Palestinian child
prisoners, the most common charge is “throwing stones” – direct
resistance to the occupier[4] <#_ftn4>. The imprisonment of Palestinians
is an attempt to isolate the Palestinian resistance; thus, the defense
of Palestinian prisoners is a means to break that isolation and turn it
instead toward the isolation of Israel.
There are, of course, many organizations on the ground in Palestine
doing excellent and important work to defend the prisoners legally and
politically and seek their freedom. However, this work has not been
exempted from the framework that Oslo has imposed on the Palestinian
movement as a whole. Increasingly, the political aspect of Palestinian
prisoners’ cases has been replaced with a purely humanitarian or human
rights-based approach. The prisoners’ cause, like many other aspects of
the Palestinian struggle, has been professionalized into an area of work
and commentary for lawyers and other legal experts. Palestinian
prisoners are addressed primarily and mainly as victims rather than
protagonists in a revolutionary struggle for liberation.
In reality, every Palestinian prisoner’s case is far less of a legal
battle than it is a political one; yet our strategies are increasingly
directed toward legal defense, even while acknowledging politically that
the entire system is invalid and illegitimate. It is not possible to win
the freedom of Palestinian political prisoners by presenting the perfect
legal argument, as – whether they face military courts or Israeli
“civil” courts – they face a system that is based on the complete
negation of their existence and, particularly, their organization and
resistance.
This situation is also reflected in the violent response of the prison
system to any and all attempts by the Palestinian prisoners’ movement to
exert their intellectual and political leadership in the Palestinian
national liberation struggle. It has been said that the Palestinian
leadership that is not compromised or liquidated in the Oslo process can
best be found behind bars. In response to their statements and
interviews, conveyed through secret messages, smuggled cell phones and
other technologies that defy Israeli isolation, Palestinian prisoners
are subject to raids, violence, forced transfers and isolation. The
recent interview of Palestinian political leader, PFLP General Secretary
Ahmad Sa’adat, published in El-Masry al-Youm[5] <#_ftn5>, sparked harsh
raids and repression against Palestinian prisoners in Ramon prison[6]
<#_ftn6>. Veteran prisoner and struggler from ’48, Walid Daqqa, was
thrown into solitary confinement when he published a new children’s
book; this followed the defunding of a Haifa Palestinian theater that
exhibited a play based on his work[7] <#_ftn7>.
The international aspect of the Palestinian prisoners’ struggle is not
one that can or should be relegated to the corridors of the United
Nations and international legal bodies. It must be noted that this is
something that the Zionist movement clearly recognizes as well. The
imperialist countries like the United States, France and other states of
the European Union are full partners in the imprisonment of Palestinians
and the legitimation of the charges against them through their campaigns
against the resistance.
Today’s “anti-terrorism” laws have various legal precedents – most
commonly in the laws used to suppress anti-colonial and liberation
movements in the Western powers – but they stem directly from laws that
were passed in the United States in the mid-1990s. Those laws were then
exported around the world with the 11 September 2001 attacks. The
original U.S. laws were explicitly justified as a means of supporting
the “Middle East peace process,” i.e. the Oslo process, and
criminalizing all of those parties that rejected Oslo[8] <#_ftn8>. Thus,
we see the “terror lists” of the United States, Canada, the European
Union, the UK, Australia, packed with the names of Palestinian
organizations seeking national liberation, who rejected the trap of Oslo
– the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine; Hamas; Islamic
Jihad; and even those fighters of Fateh who resisted pacification.
These “anti-terror” laws are used to justify the persecution of
Palestinians inside these countries – see, for example, the case of the
Holy Land Five, five Palestinians serving sentences of up to 65 years in
prison in U.S. jails for their fundraising and charitable work for
Palestine[9] <#_ftn9>. Reflecting the fact that these are only the
newest gloss on an existing strategic alliance, Georges Ibrahim Abdallah
has been jailed for 34 years in France for his involvement in actions to
support the Palestinian and Lebanese liberation struggles. In Palestine
itself, U.S. and British guards – including those previously stationed
in the colonized north of Ireland – surrounded the Palestinian
Authority’s Jericho prison where Sa’adat and his comrades were held from
2002 to 2006. Those guards moved aside in a coordinated fashion to allow
for the violent assault of the Israeli military in March 2016.
Just as upholding the Palestinian prisoners, their names, lives and
politics, is a contribution to the defense of the resistance in the
battle of ideas, the European Union and the Zionist state have also
recognized the importance of this battle from the opposing perspective.
Thus, we have seen the defunding of Palestinian schools that bear the
names of martyrs and strugglers who gave their lives for Palestinian
liberation by participating actively in resistance. From Dalal Mughrabi
(targeted by Norway and Belgium) to the campaigns against schools and
squares honoring Shadia Abu Ghazaleh and Khaled Nazzal, there is not
only a battle over the names of schools and institutions but a battle
for Palestinian memory and history[10] <#_ftn10>. It is our
responsibility to fight back by upholding Palestinian resistance leaders
as the international social justice leaders for which they should be
recognized.
This very battle of ideas is the reason why Erdan, in his campaign
against the growing boycott movement, included Samidoun Palestinian
Prisoner Solidarity Network among dozens of other international groups
in his latest propaganda alert against international solidarity with
Palestine[11] <#_ftn11>. Erdan connected Samidoun and others with a “red
line” on his graphic to the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine. The illustration is not a random choice but reflects the
Zionist project’s concern about a closer linkage between what the Reut
Institute, a Zionist strategic center, referred to as the
“delegitimization” network and the “resistance” network[12] <#_ftn12>.
Through public exhortations and campaigns about dubious alleged linkages
with resistance organizations, Erdan and the Israeli state aim to spread
fear and intimidation among solidarity organizations. These attacks aim
to push such organizations to alter their rhetoric, polices and
campaigns in an attempt to avoid such allegations and their potentially
criminalizing consequences. It is not simply propaganda against
Palestine solidarity – this project aims to undermine the legitimacy of
the Palestinian resistance and its association with global struggle and,
therefore, to isolate the issue of the prisoners from its political context.
In the struggle of the Palestinian prisoners for freedom – an
indivisible aspect of the Palestinian people’s struggle for liberation –
we can find the seed of connection that holds the potential for building
the type of deep alliances – those most feared by Erdan and the forces
he represents – that can truly challenge Zionism, imperialism,
capitalism and their reactionary-regime allies.
The Palestinian prisoners’ liberation cannot be disconnected from global
struggles for liberation, nor from the struggle to liberate the
political prisoners in the Philippines, Turkey, Egypt, the United States
and elsewhere. Building the struggle for their freedom reflects the
common interest of revolutionary movements fighting for justice and
liberation, on the front lines of confrontation with repression, racism,
exploitation and fascism.
/Charlotte Kates is the International Coordinator of Samidoun
Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network. /
/
/
[1] <#_ftnref1> “Tribute to Ghassan Kanafani,” in “Ghassan Kanafani,”
Tricontinental Society, London, 1980.
http://newjerseysolidarity.net/resources/kanafani/kanafani6.html
[2] <#_ftnref2> “Gilad Erdan,”
https://www.gov.il/en/Departments/People/minister_of_public_security
[3] <#_ftnref3> “When it comes to Facebook ‘incitement,’ only
Palestinians are arrested, not Jewish Israelis,” Danielle Alma Ravitzki,
Mondoweiss, May 22, 2018,
https://mondoweiss.net/2018/05/facebook-incitement-palestinians/
[4] <#_ftnref4> Defence for Children International – Palestine, “Number
of Palestinian Children (12-17) in Israeli Military Detention,” July
2018, https://www.dci-palestine.org/children_in_israeli_detention
[5] <#_ftnref5> Hussein Al-Badri with Ahmad Sa’dat, Al-Masry al-Youm,
October 20, 2018, https://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/1334883
[6] <#_ftnref6> Handala Center for Prisoners and Ex-Prisoners,
“Repressive forces storm Ramon prison,” October 23, 2018,
http://handala.ps/ar/post/2292/
[7] <#_ftnref7> Ahmed Melham, “Jailed Palestinian writer pens story for
children of prisoners,” October 13, 2018,
http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2018/09/palestines-prison-literature.html#ixzz5VDLbkK1U
[8] <#_ftnref8> Executive Order 12947, “Prohibiting Transactions With
Terrorists Who Threaten To Disrupt the Middle East Peace Process,”
https://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/Documents/12947.pdf
[9] <#_ftnref9> Charles Glass, “The Unjust Prosecution of the Holy Land
Five,” August 5, 2018, The Intercept
https://theintercept.com/2018/08/05/holy-land-foundation-trial-palestine-israel/
[10] <#_ftnref10> Norwegian government, “Unacceptable glorification of
terrorist attacks,”
https://www.regjeringen.no/en/aktuelt/unacceptable-glorification-of-terrorist-attacks/id2554704/;
Times of Israel, “Belgium halts PA education funding because West Bank
school named for terrorist,’
https://www.timesofisrael.com/belgium-halts-pa-education-funding-after-school-named-for-terrorist/
[11] <#_ftnref11> Samidoun, “Gilad Erdan wants to shut us down while
attacking prisoners,” June 20, 2018;
https://samidoun.net/2018/06/gilad-erdan-wants-to-shut-us-down-while-attacking-prisoners-well-keep-fighting-for-palestinian-freedom/
[12] <#_ftnref12> Reut Institute, “ The Delegitimization Challenge:
Creating a Political Firewall,“ 2010;
http://reut-institute.org/Publication.aspx?PublicationId=3769
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